A district poll estimates a named race. The national generic ballot asks which party voters prefer for Congress. Its benchmark is the national House vote, not the number of seats a party wins.
Select a cycle to inspect its error and the number of eligible estimates. The changing sample is part of the story.
House · individual districts
Average absolute margin error · lower is closer
5.50 pp2022 average absolute margin error
−2.8 ppMean signed error
29Selected estimates
Original archive calculation: final 1–14 days by median field date; latest estimate per firm/race, same-date ties averaged. Includes retained general, special and runoff contests within source cycles; not AAPOR’s methodology. Outcomes and exclusions are documented below.
Current chart series. Missing values mean unavailable, not zero.
Cycle
Mean absolute error
Mean signed error
Estimates
Contests
1998
7.81
−4.0
26
24
2000
5.28
−0.4
18
15
2002
5.05
+0.1
40
28
2004
5.02
+1.1
34
27
2006
5.34
+1.1
124
75
2007
Unavailable
—
0
0
2008
5.93
+0.7
48
42
2009
Unavailable
—
0
0
2010
7.02
+0.4
102
77
2011
Unavailable
—
0
0
2012
5.73
−3.8
59
43
2013
Unavailable
—
0
0
2014
6.57
+3.9
50
40
2015
Unavailable
—
0
0
2016
6.57
+5.7
19
17
2017
Unavailable
—
0
0
2018
5.42
−0.6
107
79
2019
Unavailable
—
0
0
2020
6.52
+5.7
37
30
2021
Unavailable
—
0
0
2022
5.50
−2.8
29
24
House · individual districts: what changed?
Mean absolute margin error was 7.81 points in 1998 and 5.50 in 2022, compared with 6.52 in 2020. Across the covered cycles, the smallest observed miss was 5.02 in 2004; the largest was 7.81 in 1998.
The latest cycle contains 29 selected firm/race estimates across 24 contests. Its signed error, −2.8 points, overstated Republican margins. Changing races and pollsters limit comparisons.
House · national generic ballot: what changed?
Mean absolute margin error was 6.13 points in 1998 and 2.63 in 2022, compared with 4.00 in 2020. Across the covered cycles, the smallest observed miss was 1.31 in 2012; the largest was 6.13 in 1998.
The latest cycle contains 26 selected firm/race estimates across 1 contest. Its signed error, +1.7 points, overstated Democratic margins. Changing races and pollsters limit comparisons.
Use the category control above to switch between individual district polls and the national generic ballot. They remain separate series.
A SEPARATE PUBLISHED EVALUATION
The 2024 reality check.
2024: the same final-fieldwork window
AAPOR’s weighted analysis · October 23–November 5 · raw D–R margin error
U.S. House: individual districts28 estimates · 20 contests
7.0 pp
House district polls cover only 20 contests; this is not an estimate for all 435 districts. Presidential congressional-district polls concern electoral votes and are distinct from House races.
Does a good generic ballot predict chamber control?
Not by itself. Seat allocation depends on district boundaries, where votes are distributed, uncontested races, and individual candidates. A national vote margin is not a seat-count forecast.
Do these district polls represent all 435 seats?
No. Polling concentrates in selected, often competitive districts. In AAPOR’s 2024 final-window evaluation there were only 28 published matchups across 20 House contests. A large miss in that sample is not a measured error for every district.
THE COUNTDOWN
Does waiting make the picture clearer?
Different windows can contain different pollsters and races. These are descriptive comparisons, not a causal experiment.
Mean absolute margin error, by days to election
The interactive timing chart loads with JavaScript. Every value is also in the downloadable dataset.
Latest per firm/race within each non-overlapping midpoint window.
A surprise is not always a polling failure. Gallup’s final 1994 generic-ballot estimate already showed a Republican national lead. Compare documented polling misses →