POLLING UPSETSSelected landmark cases · not an all-time census

When the polls missed the story.

The biggest sample did not guarantee the right answer. The right winner did not guarantee a close margin. Open a case file to see what was measured, what happened, and what the evidence can explain.

THE CASE FILES

Great polling upsets—and large margin misses.

A curated historical selection, not a definitive global ranking. Each page defines whether it concerns one poll or an aggregate, a wrong leader or a missed margin.

1936: millions of returns, the wrong electorateLiterary DigestPoll R +14.2 → result D +24.9 · miss 39.1 ppR +25D +25
1936 · President

1936: millions of returns, the wrong electorate

A huge voluntary return cannot guarantee a representative sample.

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1948: the Dewey lead that disappearedGallupPoll R +5.0 → result D +4.4 · miss 9.4 ppR +5D +5
1948 · President

1948: the Dewey lead that disappeared

The sampling and timing of a poll matter more than confidence in its winner call.

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1980: the right winner, a much larger victoryGallupPoll R +3.0 → result R +9.7 · miss 6.7 ppR +10D +10
1980 · President

1980: the right winner, a much larger victory

Calling the winner correctly can conceal a substantial error in the victory margin.

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1982 California: a famous label, several explanationsField Institute / California PollPoll D +7.0 → result R +1.2 · miss 8.2 ppR +10D +10
1982 · Governor

1982 California: a famous label, several explanations

The Bradley effect is a hypothesis about mechanisms, not a complete explanation established by the miss itself.

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2014 Virginia: the winner was right, the margin was notPublic Policy PollingPoll D +9.0 → result D +0.8 · miss 8.2 ppR +10D +10
2014 · U.S. Senate

2014 Virginia: the winner was right, the margin was not

A nearly correct estimate of the winner's share can still produce a badly wrong margin.

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2016: small state margins, consequential polling missesWisconsinPoll D +5.3 → result R +0.8 · miss 6.1 ppR +10D +10
2016 · President

2016: small state margins, consequential polling misses

A reasonably close national popular-vote estimate can coexist with consequential errors in the states that decide the presidency.

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Iowa 2024: a striking miss, not a settled explanationSelzer / Iowa PollPoll D +3.0 → result R +13.2 · miss 16.2 ppR +15D +15
2024 · President

Iowa 2024: a striking miss, not a settled explanation

One prominent outlier can dominate the election story. Evaluate it against the result and other polls without pretending that its cause has been established.

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ONE DEFINED ARCHIVE

The largest measured consensus-margin misses.

Final 1–14 days by midpoint. Latest estimate per firm/race, at least three firms, and D + R at least 90% of the recorded result.

The ranking uses the absolute error of the mean selected polling margin, not the mean absolute error of individual polls. It is limited to retained, independently matched federal races in the 1998–2022 archive, excludes provisional governor outcomes and known outcome problems, and does not establish a “greatest ever” winner. Different categories and sample sizes remain visible.
Retrospective mean polled marginRecorded outcome
Largest retained archive consensus-margin misses2018 NM-1 HousePoll D +10.0 → result D +22.8 · miss 12.8 pp2022 WA SenPoll D +1.9 → result D +14.5 · miss 12.6 pp2020 ME SenPoll D +3.8 → result R +8.6 · miss 12.3 pp2022 OK SenPoll R +20.4 → result R +32.2 · miss 11.8 pp2014 SD-1 HousePoll R +21.3 → result R +33.1 · miss 11.7 pp2014 AR SenPoll R +5.6 → result R +17.1 · miss 11.5 pp2020 MT PresPoll R +5.0 → result R +16.4 · miss 11.4 pp2020 KY SenPoll R +8.2 → result R +19.5 · miss 11.4 pp2022 OK Sen specialPoll R +15.2 → result R +26.5 · miss 11.3 pp2000 PA SenPoll R +18.0 → result R +6.9 · miss 11.1 ppR +35D +35
Largest retained misses under the declared rule. Outcome and sample qualifications travel with the downloadable data.
ContestCategoryFirmsMean polled marginRecorded resultMargin miss
2018 NM-1 House
Debra A. Haaland / Janice E. Arnold-Jones
House · individual districts3D +10.0D +22.812.84 pp
2022 WA Sen
Patty Murray / Tiffany Smiley
U.S. Senate4D +1.9D +14.512.62 pp
2020 ME Sen
Sara I. Gideon / Susan M. Collins
U.S. Senate4D +3.8R +8.612.35 pp
2022 OK Sen
Madison Horn / James Lankford
U.S. Senate3R +20.4R +32.211.77 pp
2014 SD-1 House
Corinna Balderramos Robinson / Kristi Noem
House · individual districts3R +21.3R +33.111.73 pp
2014 AR Sen
Mark L. Pryor / Tom Cotton
U.S. Senate5R +5.6R +17.111.47 pp
2020 MT Pres
Joe Biden / Donald Trump
President · state4R +5.0R +16.411.37 pp
2020 KY Sen
Amy McGrath / Mitch McConnell
U.S. Senate3R +8.2R +19.511.37 pp
2022 OK Sen special
Kendra Horn / Markwayne Mullin
U.S. Senate3R +15.2R +26.511.33 pp
2000 PA Sen
Ron Klink / Rick Santorum
U.S. Senate7R +18.0R +6.911.09 pp
2020 KY Pres
Joe Biden / Donald Trump
President · state3R +15.2R +25.910.70 pp
2008 GA Sen runoff
Jim Martin / Saxby Chambliss
U.S. Senate4R +4.3R +14.910.63 pp
2016 SD Pres
Hillary Rodham Clinton / Donald Trump
President · state3R +19.2R +29.810.56 pp
2002 NM-2 House
John Arthur Smith / Stevan Pearce
House · individual districts3R +2.0R +12.510.51 pp
2012 MN-8 House
Richard M. Nolan / Chip Cravaack
House · individual districts3R +1.3D +8.910.23 pp

An unusual candidate pair, withdrawal, third-party contest, or sparse polling can make a ranking misleading. The declared 90% rule reduces some risks but does not prove every retained pair was the contest’s top two or that every withdrawal was identified.

Download the ranking and its rules ↓

Why isn’t a probability surprise ranked here?

Polls measure preferences; models assign win probabilities using additional assumptions. A 20% chance happening is not the same thing as a 20-point polling miss. This section evaluates measured margins, not model calibration.

Can a correct winner call still belong here?

Yes, as a margin miss rather than a wrong-winner upset. The 1980 presidential and 2014 Virginia Senate cases show why the size of a lead matters even when the leader ultimately wins.